Anti-army protest staged at Cairo UniversityOctober 8, 2013
Hundreds of anti-government protesters chanted “Down with the military government” outside Cairo University on Tuesday, defying Egypt’s army-backed authorities despite deadly clashes with security forces two days earlier.
Supporters of deposed President Mohamed Morsi had urged university students to protest against the army following the violence on Sunday, one of the Egypt’s bloodiest days since the military ousted the Islamist leader on July 3.
State media said 57 people were killed on a national holiday that marks the start of Egypt’s 1973 war against Israel.
"We are here standing against the coup," said Enas Madkour, a 19-year-old fine arts student at the march near Cairo University, where security forces had parked two tanks and blocked the main road with barbed wire. "I’m against Morsi but I’m not for people killing others and I’m not for the military government we have now."
Other students dismissed those views, however. “Sisi is a hero and there’s no one like him,” said Rania Ibrahim, 18, referring to General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the defence minister who led Morsi’s ouster.
Small protests also occurred at Helwan University in southern Cairo, witnesses said.
At Zagazig University, northeast of Cairo, pro-Brotherhood students clashed with residents and Brotherhood opponents with fists, sticks and stones, security sources said. Eight people were wounded.
Brotherhood NGO delisted
Authorities have cracked down on the Brotherhood in recent weeks. Security forces killed hundreds of pro-Morsi protesters in Cairo in August and then arrested many Brotherhood leaders.
On Tuesday, Egypt’s cabinet ordered authorities to remove the Muslim Brotherhood from the list of approved non-governmental organisations following a judicial order, state media have reported.
The move comes after an Egyptian court last month banned the Muslim Brotherhood from operating and ordered its assets seized, amid a massive crackdown on the group following the military ouster of Islamist President Mohamed Morsi.
In its September 23 ruling, the court had also banned “any institution branching out from or belonging to the Brotherhood”.
The Brotherhood is appealing that decision, with a court date scheduled later this month, so Tuesday’s decision by the cabinet was an unexpected strike against the group.
The Brotherhood’s NGO was registered in March, while Morsi was still in power. It was set up as one of the two main legal faces of the Islamist group, which was outlawed for most of its 85-year existence.
Source

I hate how the people of Egypt have oscillated between reactionary, right-wing Muslim Brotherhood and neo-liberal military power. With the two forces fighting against each other, leftist powers and solutions in the interest of the Egyptian people are left irrelevant, under-discussed and erased.

Anti-army protest staged at Cairo University
October 8, 2013

Hundreds of anti-government protesters chanted “Down with the military government” outside Cairo University on Tuesday, defying Egypt’s army-backed authorities despite deadly clashes with security forces two days earlier.

Supporters of deposed President Mohamed Morsi had urged university students to protest against the army following the violence on Sunday, one of the Egypt’s bloodiest days since the military ousted the Islamist leader on July 3.

State media said 57 people were killed on a national holiday that marks the start of Egypt’s 1973 war against Israel.

"We are here standing against the coup," said Enas Madkour, a 19-year-old fine arts student at the march near Cairo University, where security forces had parked two tanks and blocked the main road with barbed wire. "I’m against Morsi but I’m not for people killing others and I’m not for the military government we have now."

Other students dismissed those views, however. “Sisi is a hero and there’s no one like him,” said Rania Ibrahim, 18, referring to General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the defence minister who led Morsi’s ouster.

Small protests also occurred at Helwan University in southern Cairo, witnesses said.

At Zagazig University, northeast of Cairo, pro-Brotherhood students clashed with residents and Brotherhood opponents with fists, sticks and stones, security sources said. Eight people were wounded.

Brotherhood NGO delisted

Authorities have cracked down on the Brotherhood in recent weeks. Security forces killed hundreds of pro-Morsi protesters in Cairo in August and then arrested many Brotherhood leaders.

On Tuesday, Egypt’s cabinet ordered authorities to remove the Muslim Brotherhood from the list of approved non-governmental organisations following a judicial order, state media have reported.

The move comes after an Egyptian court last month banned the Muslim Brotherhood from operating and ordered its assets seized, amid a massive crackdown on the group following the military ouster of Islamist President Mohamed Morsi.

In its September 23 ruling, the court had also banned “any institution branching out from or belonging to the Brotherhood”.

The Brotherhood is appealing that decision, with a court date scheduled later this month, so Tuesday’s decision by the cabinet was an unexpected strike against the group.

The Brotherhood’s NGO was registered in March, while Morsi was still in power. It was set up as one of the two main legal faces of the Islamist group, which was outlawed for most of its 85-year existence.

Source

I hate how the people of Egypt have oscillated between reactionary, right-wing Muslim Brotherhood and neo-liberal military power. With the two forces fighting against each other, leftist powers and solutions in the interest of the Egyptian people are left irrelevant, under-discussed and erased.

The US has no credibility dealing with chemical weaponsSeptember 9, 2013
The Syrian regime’s alleged use of chemical weapons against civilian areas on August 21 constitutes a breach of the Geneva Protocol of 1925, one of the world’s most important disarmament treaties, which banned the use of chemical weapons.
In 1993, the international community came together to ratify the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), a binding international treaty that would also prohibit the development, production, acquisition, stockpiling, retention, and transfer or use of chemical weapons. Syria is one of only eight of the world’s 193 countries not party to the convention.
However, US policy regarding chemical weapons has been so inconsistent and politicized that the United States is in no position to take leadership in any military response to any use of such weaponry by Syria.
The controversy over Syria’s chemical weapons stockpiles is not new. Both the Bush administration and Congress, in the 2003 Syria Accountability Act, raised the issue of Syria’s chemical weapons stockpiles, specifically Syria’s refusal to ratify the Chemical Weapons Convention. The failure of Syria to end its chemical weapons program was deemed sufficient grounds by a large bipartisan majority of Congress to impose strict sanctions on that country. Syria rejected such calls for unilateral disarmament on the grounds that it was not the only country in the region that had failed to sign the CWC—nor was it the first country in the region to develop chemical weapons, nor did it have the largest chemical weapons arsenal in the region.
Indeed, neither of the world’s two largest recipients of US military aid - Israel and Egypt - is a party to the convention either. Never has Congress or any administration of either party called on Israel or Egypt to disarm their chemical weapons arsenals, much less threatened sanctions for their failure to do so. US policy, therefore, appears to be that while it is legitimate for its allies Israel and Egypt to refuse to ratify this important arms control convention, Syria needed to be singled out for punishment for its refusal.
The first country in the Middle East to obtain and use chemical weapons was Egypt, which used phosgene and mustard gas in the mid-1960s during its intervention in Yemen’s civil war. There is no indication Egypt has ever destroyed any of its chemical agents or weapons. The US-backed Mubarak regime continued its chemical weapons research and development program until its ouster in a popular uprising two years ago, and the program is believed to have continued subsequently.
Israel is widely believed to have produced and stockpiled an extensive range of chemical weapons and is engaged in ongoing research and development of additional chemical weaponry. (Israel is also believed to maintain a sophisticated biological weapons program, which is widely thought to include anthrax and more advanced weaponized agents and other toxins, as well as a sizable nuclear weapons arsenal with sophisticated delivery systems.) For more than 45 years, the Syrians have witnessed successive US administrations provide massive amounts of armaments to a neighboring country with a vastly superior military capability which has invaded, occupied, and colonized Syria’s Golan province in the southwest. In 2007, the United States successfully pressured Israel to reject peace overtures from the Syrian government in which the Syrians offered to recognize Israel and agree to strict security guarantees in return for a complete Israeli withdrawal from occupied Syrian territory.
The US position that Syria must unilaterally give up its chemical weapons and missiles while allowing a powerful and hostile neighbor to maintain and expand its sizable arsenal of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons is simply unreasonable. No country, whether autocratic or democratic, could be expected to accept such conditions.
This is part of a longstanding pattern of hostility by the United States toward international efforts to eliminate chemical weapons through universal disarmament agreements.
One of the most effective instruments for international arms control in recent years has been the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), which enforces the Chemical Weapons Convention by inspecting laboratories, factories and arsenals and oversees the destruction of chemical weapons. The organization’s most successful director general, first elected in 1997, was the Brazilian diplomat José Bustani, praised by the Guardian newspaper as a “workaholic” who has “done more in the past five years to promote world peace than anyone.” Under his strong leadership, the number of signatories of the treaty grew from 87 to 145 nations, the fastest growth rate of any international organization in recent decades, and - during this same period - his inspectors oversaw the destruction of 2 million chemical weapons and two-thirds of the world’s chemical weapons facilities. Bustani was re-elected unanimously in May 2000 for a five-year term and was complimented by Secretary of State Colin Powell for his “very impressive” work.
Full article

The US has no credibility dealing with chemical weapons
September 9, 2013

The Syrian regime’s alleged use of chemical weapons against civilian areas on August 21 constitutes a breach of the Geneva Protocol of 1925, one of the world’s most important disarmament treaties, which banned the use of chemical weapons.

In 1993, the international community came together to ratify the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), a binding international treaty that would also prohibit the development, production, acquisition, stockpiling, retention, and transfer or use of chemical weapons. Syria is one of only eight of the world’s 193 countries not party to the convention.

However, US policy regarding chemical weapons has been so inconsistent and politicized that the United States is in no position to take leadership in any military response to any use of such weaponry by Syria.

The controversy over Syria’s chemical weapons stockpiles is not new. Both the Bush administration and Congress, in the 2003 Syria Accountability Act, raised the issue of Syria’s chemical weapons stockpiles, specifically Syria’s refusal to ratify the Chemical Weapons Convention. The failure of Syria to end its chemical weapons program was deemed sufficient grounds by a large bipartisan majority of Congress to impose strict sanctions on that country. Syria rejected such calls for unilateral disarmament on the grounds that it was not the only country in the region that had failed to sign the CWC—nor was it the first country in the region to develop chemical weapons, nor did it have the largest chemical weapons arsenal in the region.

Indeed, neither of the world’s two largest recipients of US military aid - Israel and Egypt - is a party to the convention either. Never has Congress or any administration of either party called on Israel or Egypt to disarm their chemical weapons arsenals, much less threatened sanctions for their failure to do so. US policy, therefore, appears to be that while it is legitimate for its allies Israel and Egypt to refuse to ratify this important arms control convention, Syria needed to be singled out for punishment for its refusal.

The first country in the Middle East to obtain and use chemical weapons was Egypt, which used phosgene and mustard gas in the mid-1960s during its intervention in Yemen’s civil war. There is no indication Egypt has ever destroyed any of its chemical agents or weapons. The US-backed Mubarak regime continued its chemical weapons research and development program until its ouster in a popular uprising two years ago, and the program is believed to have continued subsequently.

Israel is widely believed to have produced and stockpiled an extensive range of chemical weapons and is engaged in ongoing research and development of additional chemical weaponry. (Israel is also believed to maintain a sophisticated biological weapons program, which is widely thought to include anthrax and more advanced weaponized agents and other toxins, as well as a sizable nuclear weapons arsenal with sophisticated delivery systems.) For more than 45 years, the Syrians have witnessed successive US administrations provide massive amounts of armaments to a neighboring country with a vastly superior military capability which has invaded, occupied, and colonized Syria’s Golan province in the southwest. In 2007, the United States successfully pressured Israel to reject peace overtures from the Syrian government in which the Syrians offered to recognize Israel and agree to strict security guarantees in return for a complete Israeli withdrawal from occupied Syrian territory.

The US position that Syria must unilaterally give up its chemical weapons and missiles while allowing a powerful and hostile neighbor to maintain and expand its sizable arsenal of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons is simply unreasonable. No country, whether autocratic or democratic, could be expected to accept such conditions.

This is part of a longstanding pattern of hostility by the United States toward international efforts to eliminate chemical weapons through universal disarmament agreements.

One of the most effective instruments for international arms control in recent years has been the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), which enforces the Chemical Weapons Convention by inspecting laboratories, factories and arsenals and oversees the destruction of chemical weapons. The organization’s most successful director general, first elected in 1997, was the Brazilian diplomat José Bustani, praised by the Guardian newspaper as a “workaholic” who has “done more in the past five years to promote world peace than anyone.” Under his strong leadership, the number of signatories of the treaty grew from 87 to 145 nations, the fastest growth rate of any international organization in recent decades, and - during this same period - his inspectors oversaw the destruction of 2 million chemical weapons and two-thirds of the world’s chemical weapons facilities. Bustani was re-elected unanimously in May 2000 for a five-year term and was complimented by Secretary of State Colin Powell for his “very impressive” work.

Full article

Revolutionary Socialists of Egypt on the massacre in Cairo: Down with military rule! Down with el-Sisi, leader of the counterrevolution!August 15, 2013
The bloody dispersal of the sit-ins in al-Nahda Square and Rabaa al-Adawiya is nothing but a massacre, prepared in advance. It aims to liquidate the Muslim Brotherhood. But it is also part of a plan to liquidate the Egyptian Revolution and restore the military-police state of the Mubarak regime.
The Revolutionary Socialists did not defend the regime of Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood for a single day. We were always in the front ranks of the opposition to that criminal, failed regime, which betrayed the goals of the Egyptian Revolution. It even protected the pillars of the Mubarak regime and its security apparatus, armed forces and corrupt businessmen. We strongly participated in the revolutionary wave of June 30.
Neither did we defend for a single day the sit-ins by the Brotherhood and their attempts to return Morsi to power.
But we have to put the events of today in their context, which is the use of the military to smash up workers’ strikes. We also see the appointment of new provincial governors, largely drawn from the ranks of the remnants of the old regime, the police and generals. Then there are the policies of General Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi’s government. It has adopted a road map clearly hostile to the goals and demands of the Egyptian Revolution, which are for freedom, dignity and social justice.
This is the context for the brutal massacre that the army and police are committing. It is a bloody dress rehearsal for the liquidation of the Egyptian Revolution. It aims to break the revolutionary will of all Egyptians who are claiming their rights, whether workers, poor or revolutionary youth, by creating a state of terror.
However, the reaction by the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists in attacking Christians and their churches is a sectarian crime which only serves the forces of counter-revolution. The filthy attempt to create a civil war, in which Egyptian Christians will fall victims to the reactionary Muslim Brotherhood, is one in which Mubarak’s state and el-Sisi are complicit. They have never for a single day defended the Copts and their churches.
We stand firmly against el-Sisi’s massacres and against his ugly attempt to abort the Egyptian Revolution. For today’s massacre is the first step on the road toward counter-revolution. We stand with the same firmness against all assaults on Egypt’s Christians and against the sectarian campaign, which only serves the interests of el-Sisi and his bloody project.
Many of those who described themselves as liberals and leftists have betrayed the Egyptian Revolution, led by those who took part in el-Sisi’s government. They have sold the blood of the martyrs to whitewash the military and the counter-revolution. These people have blood on their hands.
We, the Revolutionary Socialists, will never deviate for an instant from the path of the Egyptian Revolution. We will never compromise on the rights of the revolutionary martyrs and their pure blood—those who fell confronting Mubarak, those who fell confronting the Military Council, those who fell confronting Morsi’s regime and those who fall now confronting el-Sisi and his dogs.
Down with military rule! No to the return of the old regime! 
No to the return of the Brotherhood!
 All power and wealth to the people!
Revolutionary SocialistsAugust 14, 2013
Source

Revolutionary Socialists of Egypt on the massacre in Cairo: Down with military rule! Down with el-Sisi, leader of the counterrevolution!
August 15, 2013

The bloody dispersal of the sit-ins in al-Nahda Square and Rabaa al-Adawiya is nothing but a massacre, prepared in advance. It aims to liquidate the Muslim Brotherhood. But it is also part of a plan to liquidate the Egyptian Revolution and restore the military-police state of the Mubarak regime.

The Revolutionary Socialists did not defend the regime of Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood for a single day. We were always in the front ranks of the opposition to that criminal, failed regime, which betrayed the goals of the Egyptian Revolution. It even protected the pillars of the Mubarak regime and its security apparatus, armed forces and corrupt businessmen. We strongly participated in the revolutionary wave of June 30.

Neither did we defend for a single day the sit-ins by the Brotherhood and their attempts to return Morsi to power.

But we have to put the events of today in their context, which is the use of the military to smash up workers’ strikes. We also see the appointment of new provincial governors, largely drawn from the ranks of the remnants of the old regime, the police and generals. Then there are the policies of General Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi’s government. It has adopted a road map clearly hostile to the goals and demands of the Egyptian Revolution, which are for freedom, dignity and social justice.

This is the context for the brutal massacre that the army and police are committing. It is a bloody dress rehearsal for the liquidation of the Egyptian Revolution. It aims to break the revolutionary will of all Egyptians who are claiming their rights, whether workers, poor or revolutionary youth, by creating a state of terror.

However, the reaction by the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists in attacking Christians and their churches is a sectarian crime which only serves the forces of counter-revolution. The filthy attempt to create a civil war, in which Egyptian Christians will fall victims to the reactionary Muslim Brotherhood, is one in which Mubarak’s state and el-Sisi are complicit. They have never for a single day defended the Copts and their churches.

We stand firmly against el-Sisi’s massacres and against his ugly attempt to abort the Egyptian Revolution. For today’s massacre is the first step on the road toward counter-revolution. We stand with the same firmness against all assaults on Egypt’s Christians and against the sectarian campaign, which only serves the interests of el-Sisi and his bloody project.

Many of those who described themselves as liberals and leftists have betrayed the Egyptian Revolution, led by those who took part in el-Sisi’s government. They have sold the blood of the martyrs to whitewash the military and the counter-revolution. These people have blood on their hands.

We, the Revolutionary Socialists, will never deviate for an instant from the path of the Egyptian Revolution. We will never compromise on the rights of the revolutionary martyrs and their pure blood—those who fell confronting Mubarak, those who fell confronting the Military Council, those who fell confronting Morsi’s regime and those who fall now confronting el-Sisi and his dogs.

Down with military rule! No to the return of the old regime! 
No to the return of the Brotherhood!
 All power and wealth to the people!

Revolutionary Socialists
August 14, 2013

Source

socialistworker

socialistworker:

Original Arabic here

English Source:

What happened on June 30 was, without the slightest doubt, the historic beginning of a new wave of the Egyptian revolution, the largest wave since January 2011.  The number of people who demonstrated on that legendary day is estimated to exceed 17 million citizens, an unprecedented occurrence in history.  This surpasses in significance any participation by old regime remnants, or the apparent support of the army and police.  Mass demonstrations of millions are exceedingly rare events in human history, and their effect on the consciousness and confidence of the populace in themselves and in their power to change the course of history transcend the limitations of the slogans raised and the political alternatives put forward.

Yes, the liberal bourgeois elite wanted to use this mass impetus to overthrow the rule of the Islamist elite, in order to themselves reach power with the endorsement and support of the military institution.  And it is true that the feloul (old regime remnants) wanted to return to the political scene by way of this new revolutionary tide.  But there is a special logic to popular revolutions that will not submit to the illusions or schemes of the liberals or feloul, even if sections of the masses were temporarily affected by the slogans and promises of that elite, just as they were affected before by the slogans and promises of the Islamist elite.  Yes, there is influence from the huge media and propaganda campaigns, undertaken by sections of the ruling class opposed to the Muslim Brotherhood, about how the army and police are standing with the people, about their neutrality and patriotism, even their “revolutionary nature”!  But this influence is momentary and superficial, and cannot erase the memory and direct experience of the people of the counterrevolutionary character and opposition to the masses, whether it be the institutions of  the military or the security services.

The true reason for this temporary influence is the betrayal of the liberal opposition, as represented by the National Salvation Front, of the goals of the Egyptian revolution and the blood of the martyrs, in order to shorten their path to power.  The true reason is the absence of a united revolutionary political alternative capable of exposing the Front and winning the masses to a concrete revolutionary program; a project that can surpass both the liberal and Islamist elite and proceed forward to deepen the Egyptian revolution, sweeping away all of the institutions of the old regime, including the military and security institutions, which are the heart of the counterrevolution.

The masses have not revolted anew out of a desire for military rule or love for the feloul liberal alternative to the Muslim Brotherhood.  They have revolted anew because Morsi and the Brotherhood betrayed the revolution.  They did not implement even one of the demands of the revolution for social justice, freedom, human dignity or retribution for the martyrs of the revolution, whether they fell at the hands of Mubarak and al Adli, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, or at the hands of the Brotherhood and the Interior Ministry during the period of Brotherhood rule.

In fact, Brotherhood rule deepened the same policies as the Mubarak regime, of impoverishment and corruption, and the desperate defense of big business interests in the service of American and Zionist interests.

Rather than purging the state apparatus of corruption and of those who smeared their hands with the blood of the martyrs, whether in the Interior Ministry or the military institution or secret intelligence, they held to their bargains with them, hoping for the participation of the Brotherhood in state administration along with the feloul and Mubarak’s men.

And thus Brotherhood rule became merely an extension on all levels of the Mubarak regime against which the Egyptian people had revolted.

This is the essence of the new revolutionary explosion which began on this historic June 30.  The Brotherhood did not understand this essence, so their popularity evaporated within months.  And this is what the leaders of the military institution do not understand, nor their civilian cover represented by the National Salvation Front with their liberals and feloul.  For it is not at gunpoint that they take the same policies pursued by Morsi, the military council and Mubarak before them.  The same neoliberal economic policies, the same strategic alliances with the oppressive monarchs of the Gulf, the same humiliating dependency on American and Zionist colonialism.

The governments and media outlets of the American and European bourgeoisie are trying to describe what has happened in Egypt as if it were only a military coup against a democratically elected president, or a coup against the “legitimacy” of formal democracy.  But what has happened in reality far surpasses formal democracy with its ballot boxes.  It is legitimacy via the democracy of the popular revolution, direct democracy creating revolutionary legitimacy.  It opens the horizons to new forms of popular power which dwarf the temporary democracy of the ballot boxes, which results in nothing but the sustaining of bourgeois rule with its different wings.  The temporary democracy of the ballot boxes ensures only the continuance of power of the capitalist state apparatus.  It ensures the delusions of the people that they rule via ballot boxes that are open to them only once every few years to choose who among the bourgeois elite will rule and exploit them, without of course getting near to the state apparatus or the sheltered capitalist corporations through the manipulation of the ballot boxes.  

What has happened in Egypt is the height of democracy, a revolution of millions to directly topple the ruler.  As for the military displacement of Morsi, this was nothing but a foregone conclusion, once the military institution saw that the masses had already settled the issue in the streets and squares of Egypt.  Al Sisi did on July 3 2013 what Tantawi did before him on February 11 2011; he acquiesced to the will of the rebelling populace, not out of any patriotism or revolutionary fervor, but out of fear of the revolution.  For if al Sisi had not intervened to dislodge Morsi, the revolution would not have stopped with the overthrow of Morsi and the Brotherhood, but was - and still remains - competent to transform into a complete social revolution which would oust the entire capitalist state, including the leaders of the military institution.

The military institution is hostile to the Egyptian revolution; it got rid of Mubarak to save itself from the crossfire of the revolution.  The military is now getting rid of the Brotherhood and Morsi, its erstwhile allies, in fear of the time when the earthquake of the revolution will reach it. And just as broad sections of the populace were affected by the illusion of army neutrality and its stand with the revolution at the beginning of SCAF rule, they are affected today by the lying propaganda about the heroism and revolutionary allegiance of al Sisi and his generals.

But just as the masses quickly left behind that propaganda in the days of Tantawi through experience and struggle, they will pass anew through the illusion that “the army and the people are one hand” in the weeks and months to come.

The Egyptian masses have managed to overthrow two presidents in thirty months.  This mighty power is not reflected only in million-strong protests, but also in the subsequent waves of labor strikes and popular demonstrations.  For political confidence will transform into confidence in the social and economic struggle, and vice versa.

After the first revolutionary wave, the army had wagered on the organizational and populist capabilities of the Brotherhood to assimilate and abort the revolution.  But this gamble failed on June 30.  Now, the army is gambling on the liberal opposition for the same goal.  But the vast field between the expectations of the revolutionary masses and what the liberal forces are offering them in terms of economic and social policies, in the wake of a violent economic crisis, will quickly lead to the exposure of these forces, and behind them, the true rulers of Egypt, the military and security institutions.

One of the hazards that we will face in the coming weeks and months is that the wave of repression directed at the Muslim Brotherhood and the Islamist movement will be used as propaganda by the liberals and for security purposes by the army and the police to strike at the labor movement and popular demonstrations, on the pretext of stability during “this critical period”.  Restoring the security apparatus to confidence in facing the Islamists will be translated without doubt into waves of repression against strikes and sit-ins under thick cover by the bourgeois media.

Because of this we must be consistent in opposing all forms of abuse and repression to which the Islamists will be exposed in the form of arrests and closures of satellite channels and newspapers, for what happens today to the Islamists will happen tomorrow to the workers and the leftists.  

The dilemma of the Egyptian revolution today is the political weakness of revolutionary forces espousing the demand of continuing the revolution and at its heart the social demands.  For these forces, the ballot box will not suffice, and they will not accept the continuance of capitalist policies of impoverishment.  They will not abandon the demand for retribution for the blood of the revolutionary martyrs.  They will continue to insist upon the overthrow of Mubarak’s state, including its security, military, and judiciary institutions. These institutions still control the country and still protect the interests of the big businessmen and Mubarak’s feloul.  They remain a great swamp of corruption, plunder, and despotism.

It is incumbent upon the revolutionary forces today to unite their ranks and put themselves forward as a convincing revolutionary alternative for the masses.  An alternative to the liberal forces who are ascendant today on the shoulders of the military, to the forces of political Islam which have dominated for decades over broad swaths of the population.  We must create a pulpit to unite the economic and social struggle among the ranks of the workers and the poor, to unite all of the oppressed sections of society.  For it is these people who have an interest in continuing the revolution, an interest in toppling the heart of the regime and not just its representatives, whether that be Mubarak or Morsi in the past or perhaps el Baradei in the near future.  So we begin from this moment preparations for the third Egyptian revolution inevitably to come, to be ready to lead this revolution to final victory.  For the masses have proven anew that their revolutionary energy is endless, that their revolution is truly a permanent revolution.  Let us rise to the task of this historical responsibility and let us work together for the success of the revolution.

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Egypt’s interim leader Adly Mansour unilaterally thrust into power by U.S. backed Egyptian armyJuly 3, 2013
Egypt’s new interim president Adly Mansour had been head of the Supreme Constitutional Court for just two days when the army named him leader of the Arab world’s most populous state.
Ironically, he was named by Morsi himself to Egypt’s top judicial post, which, following the army’s suspension of the constitution, catapulted him into political power.
The 67-year-old father of three, who won a scholarship to France’s Ecole Nationale de l’Administration, was a long-serving judge under former President Hosni Mubarak. But he served in the state-sponsored religious courts which deliver fatwas, or edicts, on observance, as well as in the civil and criminal courts.
Mansour helped draft the supervision law for the presidential elections that brought Morsi to power in 2012, which included setting a legal timeframe for electoral campaigning.
He was deputy head of the Supreme Constitutional Court from 1992. Unlike the principal leaders of the opposition - among them Nobel peace laureate Mohamed El Baradei and former Arab League chief Amr Mussa. 
The judge could probably have walked through one of the huge opposition protests that swept the country on Sunday prompting the military’s dramatic intervention without being recognised. 
His photograph was never among those brandished by the million of demonstrators mobilised by the grassroots opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood’s grip on power during Morsi’s tumultuous 12 months in power.
Source

Egypt’s interim leader Adly Mansour unilaterally thrust into power by U.S. backed Egyptian army
July 3, 2013

Egypt’s new interim president Adly Mansour had been head of the Supreme Constitutional Court for just two days when the army named him leader of the Arab world’s most populous state.

Ironically, he was named by Morsi himself to Egypt’s top judicial post, which, following the army’s suspension of the constitution, catapulted him into political power.

The 67-year-old father of three, who won a scholarship to France’s Ecole Nationale de l’Administration, was a long-serving judge under former President Hosni Mubarak. But he served in the state-sponsored religious courts which deliver fatwas, or edicts, on observance, as well as in the civil and criminal courts.

Mansour helped draft the supervision law for the presidential elections that brought Morsi to power in 2012, which included setting a legal timeframe for electoral campaigning.

He was deputy head of the Supreme Constitutional Court from 1992. Unlike the principal leaders of the opposition - among them Nobel peace laureate Mohamed El Baradei and former Arab League chief Amr Mussa. 

The judge could probably have walked through one of the huge opposition protests that swept the country on Sunday prompting the military’s dramatic intervention without being recognised. 

His photograph was never among those brandished by the million of demonstrators mobilised by the grassroots opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood’s grip on power during Morsi’s tumultuous 12 months in power.

Source

The next wave of the Egyptian revolution: Egypt army ultimatum deadline passes as hundreds of thousands take to Cairo streets
July 3, 2013

The military ultimatum given to President Mohamed Morsi has passed, as hundreds of thousands of people take to the streets. Morsi previously rejected the deadline, which gave him 48 hours to meet the demands of the people before facing army intervention.

According to some reports, Morsi has until 5pm local time to either form a coalition government or face the prospect of a coup. 

The meeting between Commander-In-Chief of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Abdul Fatah Khalil Al-Sisi, and political forces is still ongoing, Al Arabiya reports. The most important issue being discussed is reportedly that of sending reassuring messages to the Brotherhood’s leaders. 

The two sides seem unwilling to budge, with protesters stating that Morsi and his Brotherhood party are pushing an Islamist agenda on Egypt. 

The Brotherhood, on the other hand, says the army’s actions amount to a coup and says that its members are ready to become martyrs to defend the president.

There is only one thing we can do: we will stand in between the tanks and the president," Gehad El-Haddad, the MB official spokesman, told Reuters on Wednesday.

We will not allow the will of the Egyptian people to be bullied again by the military machine.”  

Morsi believes it would be better to die “standing like a tree,” defending the electoral legitimacy of his office, than to go down in history as having destroyed Egyptians’ hopes for democracy, presidential spokesperson Ayman Ali said, as quoted by Reuters. 

Army sources had previously said the army would issue a statement after the deadline expires at about 5 p.m. (1500 GMT) but no time has yet been set for official statements, according to the Facebook page of Egyptian military spokesman Col. Ahmad Muhammad Ali.

At least 39 people have died since anti-Morsi protests began on Sunday. A night of deadly clashes in Cairo on Tuesday night claimed the lives of 23 people, most of whom died in a single incident near Cairo University.

Source

"This is the second wave of the Egyptian Revolution," said Hani Shukrallah, speaking at the Socialism 2013 conference in Chicago. Shukrallah is one of Egypt’s most respected journalists, who was forced out as editor of the English-language website Ahram Online under pressure from the Muslim Brotherhood.

IN TERMS of sheer numbers, we have not seen this before. This was not just massive numbers in the major cities. It spread out this time into the provincial cities, many of them for the first time. This is especially true in upper Egypt in the South—many of these areas had stayed out of the 2011 revolution and the subsequent protests. Today, everybody’s out in stunning numbers.

We’re talking about millions of people. And they will not go home. They will be there until Morsi resigns.

There’s one story from the protest where reality almost becomes poetic: A pregnant woman and her husband go to Tahrir Square, and she gives birth at dawn on June 30 in a field hospital, and they decide to call the baby Tamarod, or Rebellion. I don’t know how they’ll bring her up with that name, of course—it may be quite a tough time.

Right now, the state and the ruling class are very deeply divided and fractured. So we had demonstrations of police officers in uniform, with their handguns on their side, saying, “Down with Morsi and down with the Muslim Brotherhood”. These are unprecedented scenes—very, very weird.

One message from a friend of mine said that one of the major Internet service providers is providing free wifi access around the presidential palace. She wrote that the capitalists are helping us against the Muslim Brotherhood so that they can screw us later—but that we should use it, so we can screw them later.

When I was up late last night, I was getting the early morning posts of people on the Internet before they went out for the demonstrations. And there was this amazing sense of joy—people saying things like “Good morning revolution.” And at the same time, you had people starting statements with “If I don’t come back…” It was the two things together: joyful, but they knew they were going into something that they might not come back from.

One post on Facebook went like this: Today, for the next 24 hours, there will be the final viewing of the body of the Muslim Brotherhood, deceased at 85 years of age; burial to take place tomorrow. There was that kind of sense of fun—and that’s an aspect of the Egyptian Revolution all along. There was always this humor—sometimes very bitter, sometimes very sharp, sometimes just hilarious.

In Mahalla, an important industrial city in northern Egypt, workers were coming out of the factories and heading out to marches. In 2011, we didn’t see much of that. We saw a lot of strikes in the last week of the revolution, which tilted the balance of forces quite markedly—there were something like 200 strikes within that week. But this time, we have seen marches coming out of the factories and heading toward squares or toward city halls, and occupying them.

In Mahalla, a trade union organizer was talking to Ahram Online, and he told them that not a single Muslim Brotherhood member dares to show his face in Mahalla. And he said that by this afternoon, there would be 1 million workers in the street.

Full article

The People’s Record Saturday protest update
June 29, 2013

Saturday in Turkey (abc)
Thousands of protesters returned to Istanbul’s Taksim Square on Saturday, demanding justice for a demonstrator slain by police fire during demonstrations that have swept Turkey this month. Police later forced the protesters out of the square, pushing them back using their shields.

In the capital, Ankara, police fired tear gas and pressurized water to break up a similar protest by a group of about 200 people, the Dogan news agency reported.

Saturday in Egypt (bbc)
Crowds are gathering in Cairo’s Tahrir Square on the eve of a mass rally to demand the resignation of Egypt’s President Mohammed Morsi.

As darkness fell, thousands of people could be seen milling in the square, focus of the protests which brought down his predecessor, Hosni Mubarak.

Saturday in India (THE HINDU)
In an unprecedented protest at Mananchira on Saturday, a group of Muslim women burned the All-India Sunni Jam-Iyyathul Ulema general secretary Kanthapuram A.P. Aboobacker Musalyar in effigy for his recent comments supporting a reduction in the legal marriage age for Muslim women.

The women who do not owe allegiance to any party or organization said that they were forced to protest after the many regressive comments from Muslim organizations and clerics supporting the recent circular to legalize marriage of Muslim girls who had completed 16.

This was perhaps the first time that a group of women from the community was protesting against their community leaders, they said. Power to the women!

Friday in Israel (haaretz)
Some 1,500 Palestinians protested in Wadi Ara in northern Israel on Friday against the government’s home demolitions. Protesters blocked a major road, causing heavy traffic in the area; they threw rocks at abusive police as the brutal police pelted the crowd with tear gas and stun grenades.

Two demonstrators were arrested on ‘suspicion of assaulting police officers’.

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Egyptian blogger convicted & sentenced for insulting Mohamed Morsi’s already tarnished reputation
June 4, 2013

A high-profile Egyptian blogger and activist was sentenced to six months in jail on Monday merely for insulting President Mohamed Morsi, in what campaigners said was the first major conviction in a legal crackdown on critics.

More than 100 of Ahmed Douma’s supporters filled the courtroom in a Cairo suburb and chanted slogans against the Islamist president during the hearing. “It’s clear that the government is trying to threaten activists with these cases,” said one of his lawyers, Ali Soliman.

Douma, found guilty of accurately labeling the president a criminal and a murderer in media interviews, was allowed to pay 5,000 Egyptian pounds bail to stay out of prison pending an appeal, according to Soliman.

Morsi, voted in after a popular revolt ousted his predecessor Hosni Mubarak in 2011, has dismissed accusations by rights groups that his government and allies want to crush dissent. But one Egyptian campaign group has said in a report two dozen cases of “insulting the president” were brought in the first 200 days of Morsi’s rule - four times as many as during Mubarak’s 30 years in power. “The irony is that the president elected after the 25 January revolution is still maintaining the same restrictive laws that have been in place for decades,” said Gamal Soltan, political science professor at the American University in Cairo.

Douma was arrested on April 30 on charges of insulting the president in the aftermath of deadly clashes in February between locals and police in the Suez Canal city of Port Said.

Morsi has pointed to his banning of pre-trial detention of journalists as proof of his commitment to a free press, though his government has not amended laws with a wide scope for prosecution on grounds of ‘defamation’ (speaking the truth about Mohamed Morsi).

“[The penal code] allows citizens to be locked up for expression-related crimes,” punishing citizens for “legitimate political criticism of the authorities,” said Heba Morayef, Egypt director of the New York-based Human Rights Watch, after the case.

Source

Pictures from Turkey posted June 3, 2013 (presumably taken on June 3 as well). 

A beautiful report from a Turkish journalist regarding mass consciousness in revolutionary moments: 

My friend, who was completely uninterested in politics until six days ago, had never been in conflict with the police before. Now, like hundreds of thousands of others in Turkey, she has become a warrior with goggles around her neck, an oxygen mask on her face and an anti-acid solution bottle in her hand.[…] It is like a civil war between the police and the people. Yet nobody expected this when, six days ago, a group of protesters organised a sit-in at Istanbul’s Gezi Park to protect trees that were to be cut down for the government’s urban redevelopment project.

As a writer and a journalist I followed the Egyptian and Tunisian uprisings. As I wrote at the time, Arab people killed their fear and I saw how it transformed them from silent crowds to peoples who believe in themselves. This is what has been happening in the last six days in Turkey. Teenage girls standing in front of TOMAs (vehicle-mounted water cannons), kids throwing tear gas capsules back to the police, rich lawyers throwing stones at the cops, football fans rescuing rival fans from police, the ultra-nationalists struggling arm in arm with Kurdish activists… these were all scenes I witnessed. Those who wanted to kill each other last week became - no exaggeration - comrades on the streets. People not only overcame their fear of authority but they also killed the fear of the “other”.

As I write, Istanbul, Ankara - Turkey’s capital - Izmir and Adana are burning. Massive police violence is taking place. And in my middle class Istanbul neighbourhood, like many others, people are banging on their frying pans to protest. People are exchanging information about safe places to take shelter from police, the telephone numbers of doctors and lawyers. In Taksim Square, on the building of Atatürk Cultural Center, some people are hanging a huge banner. There are only two words on it: “Don’t surrender!

Source

Also, Turkey’s Public Workers Unions Confederation (KESK) said on Monday it would hold a “warning strike” on June 4-5 to protest at a crackdown on anti-government protests over the last four days.

"The state terror implemented against mass protests across the country … has shown once again the enmity to democracy of the AKP government," said a statement from the leftist confederation KESK, which has some 240,000 members in 11 unions.

Source

The Guardian has an awesome tool for educating yourself about the first year of ‘the Arab Spring’ called ‘The Path to Protest’

For those who weren’t old enough or who weren’t interested at the time but who have since become interested (maybe for those whose interest has been sparked by the uprising in Turkey), this is a great tool to learn a little more about politics in various regions of the Middle East.

Covering from December 19, 2010 to the very end of 2011, scroll through this interactive tool packed full of hundreds (perhaps thousands) of protests & news stories relevant to protests across the Middle East just after the inception of ‘the Arab Spring’.

Here’s the tool.

Thousands of opponents & supporters of Egypt’s powerful Muslim Brotherhood clashed Friday near the group’s Cairo headquarters, where riot police guarded the building, and the corrupt politicians inside of it.
April 2, 2013

In another Cairo neighborhood, young protesters broke into the Brotherhood party’s office in Manial and stole some items, according to security officials. More than a dozen such attacks on the Islamists’ offices took place late last year across the country during violent protests over the drafting of the constitution and temporary power-grabbing decrees by the president.

The opposition charges that the Brotherhood’s leadership is influencing Morsi, and that they are trying to monopolize power through the presidency. The Brotherhood, from which Morsi hails, denies that.

Friday’s protest is also symbolic because it followed a week of demonstrations outside Brotherhood’s doorstep en masse.

One sign held aloft by a protester outside the headquarters read: ‘‘Who is ruling Egypt?’’ The scene was reminiscent of clashes that took place late last year outside the presidential palace in Cairo between Morsi’s supporters and opponents. Ten people died in those clashes.

Protesters on Friday were demanding the Brotherhood apologize for an assault on journalists and activists last week outside the group’s headquarters. The Brotherhood says its guards were instigated by the protesters. The anti-Brotherhood protesters are also demanding the resignation of the attorney general and the interior minister, both appointed by Morsi. The interior minister authorized security forces to use excessive force against protesters. More than 70 people have been killed in protests with police since he was appointed in January.

Fatima Khalifa, 30, said she was demonstrating to send a message to the Brotherhood that they are the aggressors. ‘‘Morsi must be tried for killings of protesters just like Mubarak,’’ she said, referring to Morsi’s predecessor Hosni Mubarak who was ousted in a popular uprising in 2011 after nearly 30 years in power.

Clashes also broke out Friday in Egypt’s second largest city of Alexandria, when several thousand anti-Brotherhood protesters came under attack by unknown assailants who threw rocks and fired birdshot at them outside a military area in Sidi Gaber where anti-government protests often take place.

In the sprawling Cairo neighborhood of Muqattam, where the Brotherhood’s headquarters is based, roads were littered with rocks. There was no traffic and shops had been closed beforehand in preparation for the violent clashes.

An Associated Press correspondent saw members of the anti-Brotherhood camp beating with their fists people in the crowd suspected of being members of the Islamist group. The Brotherhood’s website claimed the incident, saying that ‘‘thugs’’ were attacking anyone heading toward the Brotherhood office.

Several anti-Brotherhood protesters were seen bloodied and being rushed to ambulances.

Clashes erupted at a nearby square after a large pro-Brotherhood march approached the headquarters. The protesters moved a few blocks away to Fountain Square after being hit with rocks from rooftops of nearby buildings. The square lies at the entrance of Muqattam, which overlooks the city.

It was not immediately clear how the clashes broke out around Fountain Square, but drops of blood marked the area. Some of the protesters covered their faces with black masks as ambulances evacuated the wounded from the site.

Anti-Brotherhood protester Hussein el-Sayyid said he saw three people with their faces slashed, suggesting some blades or knives were being used in the fighting.

‘‘We are Egyptians eating one another when we should be one hand,’’ he said.

Elsewhere in Egypt, protesters took to the streets to demand the dissolution of the Brotherhood, which has emerged as the most powerful political group in the country since the 2011 revolt.

Source

Women in Graffiti: A tribute to the women of Egypt
February 17, 2013

It’s a battle, being a woman in an Arab country, but perhaps the dire conditions makes us fighters. Since January 25, so many foreign reporters have waxed on about the awakening of Arab women in the Arab Spring; and how the revolutions liberated us/made us wake up and smell the coffee/made us throw off our headscarves and run happily through the meadows.

This, in my opinion, is crap. When you look at the videos and photos of the eighteen days of Tahrir, you’ll see Egyptian women side by side with men in the thick of battles, some even at the front lines, braving tear gas and live bullets. We participated as Egyptians first, not as women, in January 25. And it’s incredibly patronizing to assume we ‘became’ liberated; 1. as if it was a revolution led by men that awakened and inspired us women 2. as if women were living in caves and making mud paintings before the revolution.

The Arab women I’ve met are some of the fiercest women in the world with sincere dedication to their work, cause and sense of identity. We didn’t experience an ‘awakening’ since the revolution; but we’ve definitely had to fight harder.

The last two years’ stories of horrific sexual and physical violence against women in Tahrir and many other depressing news could very easily break your will, change your mind about a woman’s place in protests and in Egypt as a citizen with equal rights. But then I think of these remarkable women and I am reminded of their strength, creativity and perseverance.

There are many powerful, brilliant Arab women, including several in the graffiti scene. Graffiti is a dangerous cause as it is, and with perpetual violence against women in Egypt, you’d think female graffiti artists would be too intimidated to work on the city streets. But they’re not; they’re young, tough, talented and just as worthy of recognition as their male counterparts.

Photo 1: Pharaonic women in battle by Alaa Awad

Photo 2: Alexandrian painter and street artist Aya Tarek is considered by many of her peers to be one of the pioneers of graffiti in Egypt. She holds her ground against her male contemporaries, and has exhibited recently in Germany as well as Beirut. Aya appeared in Microphone, Ahmed Abdalla’s brilliant 2010 film about the underground art scene in Alexandria. She is the first graffiti artist in Egypt to appear in a feature film not only playing herself but also correctly representing the graffiti scene in Egypt.

Photo 3: “Don’t touch or castration awaits you” - Hend Kheera is the first Egyptian graffiti artist to be profiled by Rolling Stone. Her work has a tough, extreme and honest quality to it, and there’s nothing stereotypically feminine about her aesthetics. Hend made stencils in Mogamaa and around Tahrir during sit-ins in 2011. She participated in an anti-sexual harassment campaign by spraying the stencil ‘Warning! Don’t touch or castration awaits you!’. The stencil was shocking and provocative, compelling some bystanders to even berate Hend for making it, a surefire sign that her message was powerful and effective.

Photo 4: Hanaa El Degham’s mixed art mural on the Lycee wall is to this date one of the most astounding street artworks I have seen in Egypt. She worked several layers over many days, combining barely finished paintings with stencils and newspaper collages. If you looked closely at the newspaper clippings, you’d find them completely spot-on and appropriate for the beautiful social commentary she was making by portraying the poorest of Egyptians carrying gas cylinders on their heads. A women fully clad in black niqab carries a gas cylinder with ‘Change’ sprayed on it. That visual in itself has so much to say.

Hanaa also worked for days with Ammar Abo Bakr and other painters on the Mohamed Mahmoud martyrs’ mural, adding frames and lotus flowers to several of the martyrs’ portraits.

Photo 5: I’d seen Bahia Shehab’s stencils around Zamalek and Tahrir for months, but it was only until I watched her inspiring Tedx talk on YouTube when I made the connection. Bahia spoke beautifully and powerfully of fighting for social and political justice through art. Her stencil below is one of my favourite pieces, a stencil I spotted on the bleak concrete wall of Mansour Street. When you see such an inspiring and pretty quote on a grotesque concrete military construction, you regain hope; at least in the power and potential of art.

Photo 6: “No to sexual harrassment” by Mira Shihadeh - There’s also Laila Magued, who works tirelessly day and night alongside Mohamed El Moshir and Ammar Abo Bakr in completing murals like this fantastic one on Sheikh Rihan Street, and there’s Mira Shihadeh who paints messages against sexual harassment, and draws crying faces on the streets of Cairo, with the simple message ‘Why’. I’m sure there are many other women to follow suit soon.

I am privileged to have met most of these women and watch them work. It takes a certain fierceness to persevere in creating unique, inspiring street art under the volatile and unpredictable conditions of the Egyptian streets.

Graffiti has also paid tribute to the women of Egypt, whether by honoring them like Alaa Awad’s pharaonic mural or by paying tribute to their bravery in battle like Zeft’s poster, or defending their rights to equality.

Photo 7: ”Don’t label me” - Nooneswa (Noon El Neswa) is a collective of activists that uses graffiti to raise awareness about women’s rights and to lobby for gender equality. Noon El Neswa organised street campaigns where stencils featured Laila Mourad, Soaad Hosny and other iconic women of the Egyptian cinema, and slogans included film quotes or simple demands for equality. Nooneswa is the first collective of its kind to focus solely on women’s issues and use graffiti to raise awareness on the streets of Cairo. Their ‘Don’t Label Me’ design has since appeared in Tunisia, replicated by feminist activists there.

Photo 8: This graffiti on Mohamed Mahmoud Street paid tribute to the Uprising of Women in the Arab World, an online platform with over 80k followers that promotes Arab women’s rights using provocative and personal messages/photos of women.

Source (Click for more Egyptian graffiti art created by women)

Egyptian protesters tear down barbed wire surrounding the presidential palace on night of February 11 as Cairo police get ready to deploy water cannons. 
About 200 protesters also blocked a central subway station and main bridges near the presidential palace on Monday. 
Demonstrations against President Mohamed Morsi have marked the second anniversary of the ongoing Egyptian revolution. 

Egyptian protesters tear down barbed wire surrounding the presidential palace on night of February 11 as Cairo police get ready to deploy water cannons. 

About 200 protesters also blocked a central subway station and main bridges near the presidential palace on Monday. 

Demonstrations against President Mohamed Morsi have marked the second anniversary of the ongoing Egyptian revolution. 

Egypt’s culture minister, Mohammed Saber Arab, has resigned in protest of police abuse of protesters.
February 5, 2013

In one notorious incident, police were filmed dragging and beating a naked activist during a rally against President Mohamed Morsi.

The recent upsurge in unrest in Egypt comes on the second anniversary of the January 25 revolution that ousted Mubarak.

Dozens have been killed and hundreds injured in eight days of violence.

A man who was beaten and dragged across the ground naked by Egyptian riot police during a demonstration on Friday was shown on state television blaming the incident on demonstrators.

A video of Hamada Saber, 48, being beaten with truncheons by helmeted police has infuriated the opposition, which accuses President Mohamed Morsi of ordering a harsh crackdown on protests two years after the uprising that toppled autocrat Hosni Mubarak.

Morsi’s government has announced an investigation into the incident, which came at the end of eight days of violent protests that saw nearly 60 people killed, the deadliest unrest of his seven months in office.

State television aired overnight a recording of Saber, lying on bed in a police hospital, giving his account of the incident, in which he blamed protesters for stripping and robbing him.

It was not clear how his account could be reconciled with the widely seen footage, which clearly showed police beating him with truncheons and dragging him naked across a road.

Saber said he had seen a crowd running and then felt himself shot in the leg.

"I fell over, I failed to stand up again, then they surrounded me in a circle and attacked me," he said. The interviewer asked if he was referring to the demonstrators, and he answered: "Yes I am. They took my clothes off, maybe they were looking for money in my pockets. Then someone among them shouted: ‘He is not a soldier. He is not a soldier, he is an old man and you are going to kill him.’

"The soldiers ran towards me. I was afraid of them, but they were saying, ‘We will not beat you’. I swear to God this is what happened. I kept on running. They said again: ‘Do not be afraid.’ I kept running away and they said, ‘We are exhausted because of you’."

Egypt’s prosecutors’ office has released a statement saying Saber denied that police had hit him. That statement was received angrily by the opposition which suspects the authorities of intimidating him to exonerate the police.

"That a citizen be dragged in a public space is a crime against humanity. That he be forced to amend his testimony before the Public Prosecution is tyranny. It has dire consequences for justice," Nasser Amin, a prominent lawyer and campaigner for judicial independence said on Twitter.

Cairo: police use tear gas to disperse crowds opposite President’s Palace

Police on Saturday night used tear gas against hundreds of protesters attempting to attack the presidential palace in Cairo.

They had approached flush up to the walls of the residence, pelting stones and Molotov cocktails. The crowd chanted slogans against the head of state, demanding dissolution of the Islamic movement “Muslim Brotherhood” and the resignation of the Minister of Internal Affairs.

Earlier, several thousand people rioted near the palace; there was a fire inside caused by several firecrackers thrown onto the compound.

Armored vehicles were introduced into neighboring streets.

According to Egypt’s Ministry of Health, one person died and dozens were injured in yesterday’s clashes.

Egyptian opposition getting radical

Egypt’s main opposition bloc, the National Salvation Front, has ruled out a dialogue with the authorities and urged its followers to topple the regime of President Morsi and bring him and his Islamist allies to justice for killing anti-regime demonstrators.

On Friday night, opponents of President Morsi clashed with police outside the presidential palace in Cairo. The clashes left one protester dead and some 100 injured.

Source

Protesters opposing Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi march despite a nighttime curfew in the city of Suez on Jan. 28. 
Egyptian protesters defied a nighttime curfew in restive towns along the Suez Canal, attacking police stations and ignoring emergency rule imposed by Islamist President Morsi to end days of clashes that have killed at least 52 people. Egypt’s army chief said political strife was pushing the state to the brink of collapse - a stark warning from the institution that ran the country until last year as Cairo’s first freely elected leader struggles to contain bloody street violence.

Protesters opposing Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi march despite a nighttime curfew in the city of Suez on Jan. 28.

Egyptian protesters defied a nighttime curfew in restive towns along the Suez Canal, attacking police stations and ignoring emergency rule imposed by Islamist President Morsi to end days of clashes that have killed at least 52 people. Egypt’s army chief said political strife was pushing the state to the brink of collapse - a stark warning from the institution that ran the country until last year as Cairo’s first freely elected leader struggles to contain bloody street violence.